Dalit dilemma: politically needed, yet politically ignored

. The writer has served several news organisations as journalist. Email him at shvalasai@yahoo.com For generations, Dalits in Pakistan have lived with a painful contradiction. They are citizens, voters and contributors to the economy, yet their distinctive historical and social condition remains largely invisible in mainstream political discourse. Political parties speak about minorities, poverty and marginalisation. But how often do they speak about Dalits as Dalits? It is estimated that almost 85% of the people counted among Pakistan's Hindus and Scheduled Castes belong to historically Dalit communities. Despite their substantial demographic presence, their specific political, social and economic grievances remain largely unrecognised. They are large enough to matter electorally, but rarely recognised as a distinct political constituency with their own voice, demands and aspirations. At the same time, a striking imbalance persists in political representation. While historically privileged and relatively affluent Hindu groups, estimated to constitute around 15% of Pakistan's Hindu population, regularly secure a disproportionately large share of parliamentary representation, Dalit communities - estimated at around 85% - remain significantly underrepresented. A community representing the overwhelming majority of Pakistan's Hindu population often receives only a fraction of the political representation enjoyed by the much smaller, more privileged segment. This raises a fundamental question of democratic equality: if Dalits constitute the majority within the Hindu population, why does their presence in Parliament remain so disproportionately small? The Dalit experience also challenges the assumption that marginalised communities suffer because of a lack of ability or ambition. Whenever Dalit students have been given a genuine opportunity to compete on merit, many have demonstrated exceptional ability. They have secured top positions in competitive examinations, including the CSS, won international scholarships, gained admission to professional degree programmes and succeeded in highly competitive academic environments. These achievements demonstrate a reservoir of talent within communities too often described only through poverty and deprivation. The problem is not simply whether Dalit students can compete. It is what happens after they succeed. For many Dalit young people, the transition from education to public employment and professional advancement remains difficult. Merit in examinations and scholarships can open doors to education, but fair access to employment is equally important. Concerns about unequal opportunities in recruitment, including through the SPSC and other public-sector institutions, deserve serious examination. Equality of opportunity cannot mean merely allowing someone to sit for an examination. Merit must have a fair chance to translate into employment and advancement. If Dalit students can win scholarships abroad, secure top positions in competitive examinations and gain admission to professional programmes, there is no justification for assuming they cannot compete for government and professional positions. In this context, PPP, the party ruling Sindh province, has taken an important step by creating political space for Dalit leadership within mainstream parliamentary politics. This deserves recognition - not because the Dalit struggle is over, but because it has only begun. The greatest political disadvantage of a marginalised community is not merely poverty; it is invisibility. When specific problems are not recognised, they disappear into broader categories. Dalit poverty becomes ordinary poverty. Caste discrimination becomes a generic minority issue. Landlessness becomes an agricultural problem. Bonded labour becomes merely a labour issue. Educational exclusion becomes simply an education issue. This is why Dalits need recognition as a distinct political constituency. The PPP's tradition of democracy, social justice and empowerment of disadvantaged communities provides an opportunity to take this agenda further. Dalit representation demonstrates that a Dalit citizen need not remain merely a voter or welfare beneficiary. A Dalit can be a legislator, policymaker, organiser and leader. Yet representation alone cannot transform the lives of a historically disadvantaged population. Representation must translate into policy, resources and measurable improvements. The next step should be a comprehensive Dalit Empowerment Agenda for Sindh. First, land and housing. Dalit families need meaningful access to land, secure residential rights, housing opportunities and sustainable livelihoods rather than indefinite dependence on welfare. Second, education and employment. Increasing enrolment is not enough. Dalit students who demonstrate excellence need a pathway from school to university, professional qualifications and employment. Scholarships, hostels and mentoring are important, but transparent recruitment is equally essential. Third, bonded and forced labour. No community can achieve genuine empowerment while vulnerable families remain trapped in exploitative labour relationships. Existing laws must be enforced, with effective protection for those seeking to escape exploitation. Fourth, political participation. Representation must move beyond reserved seats. Dalits should increasingly participate in local governments, provincial institutions, public administration and mainstream electoral politics. The goal should be a new generation of leaders able to compete on merit, public service and popular support. Fifth, dignity and equality. Development is not only about roads, buildings and budgets. It is also about whether citizens are treated equally regardless of birth. Pakistan's constitutional promise of equality must become a lived reality for Dalits. With its substantial Dalit population and progressive political traditions, Sindh can become a model for Dalit empowerment in Pakistan. The PPP can lead this transformation because it has already opened an important political door. But that opening must become a comprehensive programme of representation, economic opportunity, education, transparent recruitment, social protection and equality. This issue should ultimately transcend party politics. If the PPP has opened the door, other political parties should walk through it - not by ignoring Dalits, but by offering them better policies. That would strengthen democracy. The objective should not be to create a permanent Dalit vote bank for any political party. It should be to create Dalit political power. There is a profound difference: a vote bank serves a political party; political empowerment serves a people. The Dalit question is therefore much bigger than electoral arithmetic. It concerns the unfinished promise of democracy itself. Citizens cannot remain economically and socially disadvantaged while being told that their political rights have been fulfilled simply because they can vote. For Dalits, the demand is not charity. It is equality. Not token representation, but participation. Not political patronage, but political agency. Not merely inclusion in someone else's agenda, but the ability to help define their own. That is the beginning of genuine political empowerment.