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The writer is a visiting research fellow at Middlesex University, UK. Contact him at naveed.r.khan@gmail.com
Artificial intelligence is moving faster than the institutions meant to govern it. That, more than any spectacular new chatbot, is the message Pakistan should take from Stanford University's AI Index Report 2026.
Generative AI reached roughly 53% population-level adoption within three years, faster than either the personal computer or the internet. Organisational AI use has climbed to 88%. At the frontier, models can solve competition mathematics and PhD-level science questions, yet the same report finds that leading systems still fail surprisingly basic tasks. This is AI's "jagged frontier", extraordinary capability sitting beside stubborn unreliability.
More than half of newly adopted national AI strategies in 2024 came from emerging economies. But Stanford makes an important distinction: a strategy records policy intent, not implementation. For Pakistan, that should be the warning. The real challenge for the country is turning policy into compute, usable data, skilled people, trusted applications and measurable public value, rather than merely publishing an AI policy or becoming a founding member of WAICO.
The global numbers should make us uncomfortable. More than 90% of notable AI models in 2025 came from industry. The US produced 59 notable models and China 35. The US hosts 5,427 data centres, more than ten times any other country. Meanwhile, state-backed AI supercomputing capacity remains thin across South Asia. Stanford calls the emerging concern "AI sovereignty": a country's ability to make meaningful choices over the development, deployment and governance of AI rather than simply renting intelligence from abroad.
Pakistan does not need to build its own trillion-parameter answer to every American or Chinese model. That would be an expensive distraction. It needs sovereignty where sovereignty matters.
This is where Punjab's Office of AI can become important. It should resist becoming another ceremonial technology office or a collection of disconnected pilot projects. Punjab can instead become Pakistan's AI implementation laboratory.
The first job should be to identify a small number of high-value public problems where AI can be measured against real outcomes: crop advisory and disease detection, hospital administration, school learning support, tax and land records, traffic management, citizen complaints and access to credit. Every project should begin with a baseline and end with evidence. Did processing time fall? Did errors decline? Did citizens receive a better service? If the answer cannot be measured, the project is probably an AI demonstration rather than reform.
Second, Punjab needs an AI-ready public data layer. Models are only as useful as the data beneath them. Departments should not build isolated data silos or casually hand sensitive datasets to foreign platforms. Shared standards, secure exchange, provenance, access controls and audit trails should become part of the province's digital architecture.
Third, public procurement must become smarter. The AI Index notes that the most capable models are becoming less transparent, while responsible-AI reporting remains uneven and documented AI incidents rose from 233 in 2024 to 362 in 2025. Government should therefore never buy AI on vendor claims alone. High-risk systems used in policing, health, education, finance or welfare should face independent testing for accuracy, bias, privacy, security and failure modes before deployment, with humans retaining authority over consequential decisions.
There is also an economic warning. Studies reviewed by Stanford find productivity gains of roughly 14% to 26% in areas such as customer support and software development, but weaker results where work requires greater judgement. In US software development, employment among 22-to-25-year-olds fell nearly 20% from 2024 even as older developer employment grew. Pakistan's youthful labour force makes this impossible to ignore. An AI strategy that celebrates productivity without preparing entry-level workers for changing jobs would create its own political backlash.
The national response must therefore go beyond Punjab. Pakistan should treat compute, data and talent as strategic infrastructure. A shared national AI research-compute facility could give universities, start-ups and public agencies access to resources they cannot individually afford. Federal and provincial governments should jointly develop interoperable data standards rather than competing digital islands. Universities need incentives to produce applied AI research, while training programmes should move beyond prompt engineering towards machine learning, data engineering, cybersecurity, AI assurance and domain expertise.
Open-source AI offers Pakistan a particularly realistic route. The report counts about 5.6 million AI-related GitHub projects in 2025 and finds participation becoming more geographically distributed. Pakistan should adapt capable open models for Urdu and regional languages, agriculture, health, education and public administration instead of assuming innovation means building everything from scratch.
And there is one constraint that AI enthusiasts too easily ignore: electricity and water. Global AI data-centre power capacity reached 29.6 GW by the end of 2025. At Pakistan's scale of energy insecurity and water stress, compute policy must also be energy policy. New AI infrastructure should be tied to renewable power, water-efficiency standards and transparent environmental reporting.
Pakistan has entered the AI policy era, where the harder stage is implementation.
Punjab can prove that locally. Pakistan must build it nationally. The objective should be to ensure that, in the age of artificial intelligence, Pakistan retains the capacity to choose its own path.
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