Mining balance sheet fails South Africans

Mining balance sheet fails South Africans
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South Africa's mining industry is failing to account for the social and ecological costs of extraction, leaving communities and the environment to absorb the burden while companies profit. A new approach is needed to ensure mining benefits the country as a whole. With the demand for new minerals for the global energy transition, South Africa needs to decide what kind of relationship it intends to establish between the holders of capital, the state and the communities affected by the extraction of these metals. Christopher Rutledge is executive director of the Mining Affected Communities United in Action (Macua) and Women Affected by Mining United in Action (Wamua) Advice Office. This article presents the writer's personal point of view. The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of Daily Maverick. A director at Denys, which represents the interests of mining investors, is right about one thing: certainty matters. No country can build a sustainable mining economy on administrative dysfunction, contradictory regulation, opaque licensing systems and institutions that are incapable of making lawful and timely decisions. But when we are told that Africa's critical minerals opportunity "hinges on legal certainty," we should immediately ask the question that is too often absent from these debates: certainty for whom, on whose terms and at whose cost? For more than a century, the mining conversation in South Africa has been framed primarily around the certainty required by capital: certainty that mineral rights can be secured, that the regulatory environment is predictable, that production can proceed without interruption, that capital can be deployed with confidence and that the expected return can be calculated within acceptable margins of risk. Yet the people who live on the land, drink the water, breathe the dust, absorb the blasting, endure the dislocation and remain behind when the mine eventually closes are rarely afforded the same language of certainty. Surely they too are entitled to certainty that their water will remain drinkable, that their homes and land rights will not be sacrificed in the name of development, that consultation will mean more than being called into a hall after the essential decisions have already been made, that Social and Labour Plan commitments will become something more than words on paper, and that when the final profitable ounce has been removed from the ground there will still be somebody left to rehabilitate the land, secure the shafts, deal with the tailings and account for the economic and social wreckage that so often follows mine closure. Once the question is framed in this way, the issue before us is no longer simply one of regulatory certainty, but of bargaining power, distribution, and the terms upon which South Africa allows its finite mineral wealth to be converted into private profit and public revenue. Minerals are not just another commodity produced by the economy; they are inherited natural wealth, the family silverware of a society, and once they have been extracted and sold they are gone forever, which means that the threshold question cannot merely be whether somebody is willing to invest, but whether, once everything has been properly counted, the country and its people are actually wealthier, because that mineral was extracted, than they would have been had it remained in the ground. It is precisely at this point that the conventional mining balance sheet begins to fail us. While companies account meticulously for capital expenditure, wages, electricity, transport, taxes, royalties and shareholder returns, the wider social and ecological costs of extraction are too often pushed outside the frame, as though what cannot be conveniently entered into a corporate ledger somehow ceases to exist. Mining-affected communities have long challenged this narrow accounting logic by insisting that extractive economies must be judged not merely by what they produce, but by what they deplete, destroy and transfer onto others. When we adopt that wider balance sheet, the apparent profitability of mining begins to look very different. Where, after all, do we record the value of an aquifer contaminated for decades, the agricultural livelihood displaced by an open pit, the respiratory illness produced by dust, the house cracked by blasting, the community severed from land carrying generations of social meaning or the abandoned tailings facility that remains a danger long after the shareholders who benefited from the mine have moved on? Those costs have not disappeared simply because they are absent from the company's financial statements; they have merely been shifted elsewhere, onto the household that must now buy water, the municipality that inherits failing infrastructure, the worker whose body carries the cost of production, the community trying to survive after closure, the public purse that must eventually rehabilitate what private capital abandoned and the natural environment that is expected to absorb the cumulative burden of extraction without ever appearing as a creditor

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