Special envoy on Rohingya return

NEARLY nine years after the mass displacement of the Rohingyas into Bangladesh in 2017 and more than three decades after the first major influx from Myanmar, the Rohingya crisis has evolved from a humanitarian emergency into one of Bangladesh's most consequential national security, foreign policy, economic, demographic and geopolitical challenges. According to recent United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees data, more than 152,000 newly arrived Rohingyas were identified between December 2024 and May 2026, bringing the total Rohingya population in Bangladesh to nearly 1.2 million. The figures underscore a troubling reality. Despite extensive humanitarian assistance, bilateral agreements, international legal initiatives and sustained diplomatic engagement, the crisis remains unresolved and increasingly protracted. In this context, Bangladesh should immediately appoint a special envoy for the Rohingya repatriation with cabinet-level access and a clear mandate. Such an appointment would represent a strategic recognition that the Rohingya issue has outgrown the capacity of routine diplomatic mechanisms. The complexity of the crisis now requires a dedicated, high-level representative whose exclusive responsibility is to coordinate diplomatic initiatives, mobilise international support, engage key stakeholders and advance conditions for the safe, voluntary, dignified and sustainable return of the Rohingyas to Myanmar. International experience shows the value of such appointment in managing protracted and politically complex crises. During Kenya's post-election violence in 2007–2008, former UN secretary general Kofi Annan successfully mediated between rival political factions and helped secure the national accord and reconciliation agreement, preventing the country from descending into a wider conflict. Similarly, Lakhdar Brahimi played pivotal roles in facilitating Afghanistan's 2001 Bonn agreement and supporting political negotiations in post-invasion Iraq. Beyond these cases, special envoys have been central to mediation and peace-building efforts in Cyprus, Syria, Yemen, Sudan and Libya. Their effectiveness derives not merely from their diplomatic stature but from their ability to sustain political engagement, coordinate diverse stakeholders and maintain strategic focus in fragmented negotiating environments. The broader lesson from the experiences is that protracted crises often suffer from diplomatic fragmentation. As scholars of conflict resolution, including Chester Crocker, Fen Osler Hampson, Pamela Aall and I William Zartman, have argued, successful mediation depends less on dramatic breakthroughs than on sustained management of complex political relationships. Special envoys provide institutional continuity, strategic coordination and persistent engagement when conventional diplomatic channels are constrained by competing priorities and bureaucratic limitations. The Rohingya crisis exemplifies this challenge. It is no longer a bilateral dispute between Bangladesh and Myanmar nor merely a humanitarian concern managed by international agencies. It has become deeply embedded within the geopolitical calculations of China, India, the United States, Japan, ASEAN members, the European Union and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. Simultaneously, Myanmar has undergone profound political transformation. Authority is now fragmented among the military junta, the National Unity government, ethnic armed organisations and various regional actors. In Rakhine State, the prospective destination of future returnees, the political and security landscape remains fluid and contested. Navigating this complex environment requires continuous engagement with multiple stakeholders, a task that exceeds the capacity of traditional diplomatic structures. Responsibility for the Rohingya issue is now dispersed across ministries, diplomatic missions, humanitarian agencies and international organisations. Although Bangladesh has managed the crisis with considerable generosity and resilience, no single high-profile figure is tasked exclusively with maintaining international momentum towards repatriation. As global attention shifts towards conflicts in the Middle East, Ukraine and elsewhere, the danger of diplomatic marginalisation grows. A special envoy could serve as the focal point for sustained international engagement, ensuring that Rohingya repatriation remains a priority on the global agenda. The concept is consistent with what diplomatic scholars describe as 'diplomatic entrepreneurship,' the role of a dedicated intermediary capable of coordinating stakeholders, sustaining negotiations and mobilising political attention around complex international challenges. Zartman emphasised the importance of a 'single focal actor' who can maintain momentum when negotiations risk stagnation. The principal challenge facing Bangladesh today is not the absence of international sympathy, but the absence of a coordinated, high-level diplomatic mechanism dedicated exclusively to repatriation. A special envoy would fill this institutional gap. The envoy's responsibilities should be broad yet clearly defined. First, the envoy should serve as Bangladesh's principal international advocate on Rohingya repatriation, engaging regularly with the United Nations, the United States, ASEAN, China, India, Japan, the European Union, the OIC and major donor governments. Maintaining repatriation as a standing issue in relevant international forums would be a central priority. Second, the envoy should work to internationalise the costs of the crisis. Refugee scholars Alexander Betts and Gil Loescher have argued that refugee crises become more manageable when framed as issues of regional stability rather than solely humanitarian concerns. The continued presence of nearly 1.2 million displaced people affects maritime security in the Bay of Bengal, regional migration dynamics, transnational crime networks, human trafficking routes and broader Indo-Pacific stability. Re-framing the issue in these terms could encourage greater burden-sharing by regional and international actors. Third, the envoy should pursue a multi-track diplomatic strategy. While Bangladesh must continue to respect international law and state sovereignty, contemporary realities in Myanmar necessitate engagement beyond formal state-to-state diplomacy. The envoy should facilitate research, dialogue, confidence-building initiatives and policy coordination involving international organisations, think tanks, humanitarian agencies, regional governments and, where appropriate, local actors capable of influencing conditions in Rakhine State. Fourth, the envoy should focus on building strategic convergence between China and India. Despite their broader geopolitical competition, both the countries share interests in a stable Myanmar, secure trade corridors and reduced refugee pressures. China's investments in the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor and India's connectivity initiatives under its 'act east policy' are vulnerable to prolonged instability. A dedicated envoy could identify areas of overlapping interest and promote cooperative approaches linking repatriation with regional stability. Fifth, the envoy should coordinate the development of a phased repatriation road map. One weakness of previous efforts has been the assumption that repatriation must await a comprehensive political settlement in Myanmar. Scholars of displacement and post-conflict reconstruction, including Katy Long and Richard Black, increasingly argue that localised, incremental and conditional return arrangements may offer more realistic pathways. Working with international partners, the envoy could explore pilot return zones, internationally monitored safe areas and phased community-based returns tied to verifiable security and rights guarantees. The appointment would also serve as an important domestic function. The Rohingya issue intersects with foreign policy, national security, border management, humanitarian assistance, environmental sustainability and economic planning. A special envoy reporting directly to the prime minister could strengthen inter-agency coordination, improve policy coherence and provide regular strategic assessments, thereby reducing institutional fragmentation and enhancing the adaptability of government policy. Some may argue that creating such a position risk adding another bureaucratic layer without producing tangible outcomes. This criticism, however, misconstrues the purpose of the office. The envoy would not replace existing institutions but rather enhance their effectiveness through coordination and strategic focus. Moreover, the appointment would send out a powerful signal that Bangladesh regards the Rohingya repatriation as a top-tier national priority. In diplomacy, symbolism and political signalling often shape international engagement as much as substantive policy measures. The urgency of such an initiative is reinforced by Bangladesh's evolving economic realities. The country faces mounting fiscal pressure, climate adaptation costs, infrastructure demands and broader development challenges. Maintaining nearly 1.2 million refugees indefinitely is neither economically sustainable nor politically desirable. At the same time, premature or involuntary repatriation would be inconsistent with international law and humanitarian norms. Bangladesh, therefore, requires a strategy capable of balancing humanitarian obligations with long-term national interests. Ultimately, the question is no longer whether Bangladesh needs a special envoy for the Rohingya repatriation. The scale, duration and complexity of the crisis have already answered that question. The more pertinent question is whether Bangladesh can afford to continue without one. While no single initiative can guarantee repatriation, a special envoy would provide a dedicated strategic instrument for mobilising international support, coordinating diplomatic efforts, fostering regional consensus and sustaining attention on one of Bangladesh's most pressing external challenges. In the contemporary geopolitical environment, such an appointment may represent one of the most prudent investments that Bangladesh can make in safeguarding its long-term national interests. Kausar Mumin is a 2026 Legislative Policy Fellow in the US Congress.