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Anthony Chong

PAS seeks total dominance- including the status of Chinese

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The 'muscle' on display at the PAS Muktamar (national general assembly) sends a clear message: PAS intends to dominate everything. Umno, eager to return to Putrajaya as a dominant player, is running toward the 'moon' (PAS logo). Yet, if it is not careful, Umno risks being crushed under the weight of PAS. Even if Umno frees itself from Pakatan Harapan (PH), it may ultimately end up subservient beneath PAS. PAS is never in a hurry. When the party is weak, it lowers its posture, makes sacrifices, and yields concessions. But once it holds the upper hand, it sheds its humility to reveal its true political ambition. In the Johor and Negeri Sembilan state elections, PAS adopted a low profile to earn Umno's trust. However, in Melaka—where Umno dominates at the state level but Perikatan Nasional (PAS) is stronger at the parliamentary level—negotiations remain locked in a tug-of-war. The cooperation partners and models may also undergo changes. At the federal level, PAS holds greater confidence, boasting the highest number of parliamentary seats and remains powerful at state governments. Party president Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang's position is unmistakable: PAS must defend every parliamentary and state seat it won in the 15th General Election. He emphasised that Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah, and Perlis (the 'SG4' states) must serve as strongholds to advance an Islamic agenda based on state jurisdiction. His tone left no room for negotiation. For Umno leaders who travelled to the East Coast for the muktamar, the underlying message was stark: what belongs to PAS stays with PAS, while Umno is expected to yield seats in the spirit of Malay-Muslim unity. If Umno and Barisan Nasional agree to partner with PAS, its room to maneuver will be severely limited. The ambition for PAS to lead all affairs has become a core consensus within the party: Youth wing delegates at the assembly insisted that federal-level Muslim unity coalition must be led by PAS and the prime ministerial candidate must remain firmly in PAS's hands. At the muktamar, delegates repeatedly 'pressured' party central committee, urging PAS not to underestimate itself. They argued that the party should actively strive for what it deserves, seize what is within reach, and—crucially—assert a dominant stance, given that PAS already possesses the absolute strength required to lead across the board. Hadi is clear about the grassroots' expectations and knows how to meet them. He stated that once in power, cabinet appointments must prioritise Islamic interests and prevent non-Muslims from interfering in policies affecting Muslims. Citing an example, Hadi suggested that non-Muslims could head secondary portfolios like Works or Forestry—reflecting a view that excludes non-Muslims from key policy domains such as the economy, education, human resources, and the environment. These matters concern every citizen—they are never defined by religion. At the muktamar, the party is full of confidence, even projecting an air of unstoppable momentum. PAS has consistently positioned itself as an Islamist party, firmly believing that it is the true champion of the religious cause and possesses greater legitimacy—in terms of both political ideology and moral stance—than any other party. PAS secretary-general Datuk Seri Takiyuddin Hassan went so far as to link joining PAS and defending Islam with martyrdom and heavenly rewards. While a political party may anchor its platform on religion, no party holds a monopoly on faith. The danger lies in using sacred beliefs as a shield for political errors. PAS even stepped in to defend Umno like a big brother. Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) youth deputy chief Nabil Halimi had demanded earlier that Umno stop colluding with Perikatan Nasional (PN) behind the scenes while simultaneously holding key positions in the federal government. PAS deputy president Datuk Seri Tuan Ibrahim came to Umno's defense, reminding PKR that the Anwar administration was formed thanks to Umno's parliamentary seats and political strength. As for the call made by DAP to review the withdrawal of corruption charges against Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Tuan Ibrahim defended him by citing the principle of non-interference in the judiciary. It is not known whether Zahid would be moved by Tuan Ibrahim's words. What truly concerns PAS is not necessarily whether Umno is respected within the Unity Government, but rather when Umno will leave Pakatan Harapan to collaborate with PAS. The deeper the rift between PKR and Umno, the wider the path becomes for PAS to return to Putrajaya. Ahmad Zahid is well aware of whether PAS is genuinely looking out for UMNO or merely feigning support for its own self-interest. We are aware of PAS's governing philosophy and the 'SG4' initiative serves as a prime example. No matter how high-sounding the rhetoric surrounding the Umno-PAS alliance may be, the underlying calculations ultimately revolve around their respective political interests; whether the well-being of the people is truly prioritised remains highly questionable. Given that voters are fully aware of this reality, they should remain wary of the grand pronouncements made by politicians. The more fervently they speak, the less we should take their words at face value; the higher they elevate themselves, the more we must bring them back down to earth. Politicians are, after all, mere mortals—prone to error and subject to scrutiny—and certainly not gods beyond challenge. (Anthony Chong is Sin Chew Daily Leader Writer .)
PAS seeks total dominance- including the status of Chinese
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