Owen Polley: Government must face down nationalist tantrums and ​​​​​​​agitation

​In the past, ministers at Westminster have too often caved in to Irish nationalist tantrums and grievance-mongering. And the outrage that followed the prime minister's comment told us a lot about how separatist activists operate. Burnham was in Northern Ireland to talk about his plans for government and remind Stormont that it needed to get on with its job, for instance by setting a budget. The fact that he immediately faced a question about a border poll, and that the subsequent coverage focused on it, showed how some parts of the media incessantly push the campaign to destroy this part of the UK. Admittedly, this is partly because the subject generates strong reactions, making for compelling newspaper copy and spirited debate on discussion programmes. That cannot quite explain the ill-disguised obsession that this subject seems to kindle in certain broadcasters. And it does not excuse some journalists or producers, who are supposed to be bound by strict impartiality rules, incessantly pushing out articles about the campaign on social media or constantly crowbarring it into their programmes. Many of these culprits portrayed Burnham's statement as a mistake or a slip of the tongue, without exploring the counter-argument properly. They even insinuated that the Northern Ireland Office was forced to correct him. This was simply wrong. The prime minister did not imply that he would rule out a border poll under any circumstances or claim that a referendum could never take place. He explained, quite properly, that it was not part of his current thinking, and that it would not be under discussion during his talks with the Stormont parties. That did not stop nationalists and their sympathisers from manufacturing a row about his words and implying that they were contrary to the Belfast Agreement. There is no end to the invisible content that this document must contain, which only Irish separatists can read. They have argued repeatedly, for example, that the government must set out criteria that would trigger a border poll. In fact, the 1998 deal left a decision on whether a referendum should be called up to the secretary of state, should he believe that a majority might support Northern Ireland's annexation. It is, in other words, a matter for the government of the day at Westminster and no criteria are required. It is certainly not a decision for ministers in Dublin. Yet, last week, the Republic's foreign affairs minister, Helen McEntee, told journalists at an EU defence summit in Wicklow that a poll would take place 'at some stage'. Even if this was merely her opinion, it was an irresponsible thing for a member of the Irish government to say. Where was the outrage about this intervention? The Belfast Agreement, which in other circumstances is treated by nationalists like holy writ, does not state that a referendum is inevitable. This is a problem for separatists and it makes the current intensity of their agitation dangerous for everyone here. Nationalist activists have invested huge amounts of energy in persuading their followers that a poll will happen soon. The campaign has been successful in generating headlines and dominating the political schedules at BBC NI. There is scarcely a day that does not see overexcited coverage of a politician or even a celebrity making a comment about our constitutional status. Just last week, this included Leo Varadkar (again), Gordon Brown and the actor Adrian Dunbar. Likewise, nationalist politicians have chosen to present every news story or event, from Drumcree to the Fleadh, as evidence that their goal will soon be achieved. Yet, according to every credible opinion poll and successive election results, voters remain unmoved by this ceaseless noise. Meanwhile, even as they claim to promote a 'new Ireland' where everyone will be respected, separatist campaigners become increasingly angry with unionists and anyone else who does not agree with their aspirations for the future. In keeping with this mood, nationalists seem only to be getting more aggressive about things like imposing the Gaelic language, distorting Northern Ireland's history to whitewash terrorism and insisting on a hysterically one-sided view of the Gaza conflict. The more we're told Ireland has changed, the more the most feral forms of republican culture are pushed in our faces, like Kneecap, Feile or celebrations of the IRA. This mood makes it even more difficult for Stormont to provide good government and it undermines the basis for power-sharing. How can politicians who are constantly demanding the province's destruction realistically contribute to running it well? What the nationalist parties aren't telling their voters is that a border poll may never be justified and it may never happen. That is the implication, at least, of the principle of consent. Any democrat has to acknowledge and accept this possibility, but even the SDLP, never mind Sinn Fein, is currently leaving itself little room to do so. Against this backdrop, Andy Burnham's dismissal of the prospects of a border poll was helpful. Unfortunately, though, previous governments have caved in eventually to nationalist hysterics: most recently by imposing an Irish Sea border and negotiating a legacy bill with the Republic. Westminster must show more resolve on the border issue, or separatist agitation will be allowed to permanently destabilise Northern Ireland.