The Government is functioning well

Few politicians have witnessed as many turning points in Sri Lanka's post-independence political history as Democratic Left Front (DLF) leader Vasudeva Nanayakkara. From the rise of the Left and the upheavals of the 1970s to the political changes that followed the end of the war and the recent transformation under the NPP, he has been both an observer and a participant in many of the country's defining political battles. In this interview, Nanayakkara revisits those turning points, speaks candidly about the political choices and mistakes of the past, and explains why he considers the NPP Government's rise comparable with the political transformation of 1956. At the same time, he highlights that the Government remains constrained by the IMF agreement and warns of attempts to undermine it through what he describes as a counter-revolution. Excerpts of the interview: Q: Your father, Francis Nanayakkara, was a prominent businessman. How did someone from such a wealthy capitalist family become involved in Left-wing politics? People from such family backgrounds have the freedom and time to become involved in social activities. Although many ordinary people may have the desire to do so, they often lack the space or facilities to engage in such activities. In my case, the strength provided by my family background and my desire to become involved in society came together. That is how I entered the Left-wing Movement. The strength I needed came from my family. Q: Your family was associated with the UNP. How did you develop Left-wing ideas? I was a student with a great interest in history. As history unfolds, we see that the world becomes a more beautiful place when it turns towards the power of the people. As my interest in history grew, my thinking also changed. We also had teachers and fellow students with whom we constantly discussed how this country should be governed and what path we should take. It was through those discussions that left-wing thinking emerged and I became politically inclined towards the Left. Q: What is your assessment of the 1971 JVP insurrection? We saw it as an attempt by a frustrated youth generation, facing unemployment and a rising cost of living, to build a force of its own and seize power through armed means after being unable to achieve victory through elections. However, when the UNP lost the 1970 election and Sirimavo Bandaranaike came to power, the need for an armed struggle disappeared. But the JVP leadership was unable to stop what had already been organised. Regional leaders in areas such as Elpitiya and Kegalle argued that preparations could not simply be halted. Rohana Wijeweera then said, in effect, that the operation had already begun and there was nothing left to do but continue with it. Q: You were also imprisoned in 1971, weren't you? Yes, although I was not involved in the insurrection. When a large number of young people were being killed, I opposed it within the party. Because I pursued that opposition strongly, I too became a suspect. False evidence was produced alleging that I had led the attack on the Hanwella Police Station. I was arrested and imprisoned for more than a year. Q: What was your experience in prison? Did you discuss politics with JVP members? There were no physical clashes like those at Magazine Prison, but there were intense political debates, and we learned from them. Among those I particularly liked was Cecil Chandra of Ambalangoda. There were also people such as Shanmugadasan, who taught us Tamil and discussed Marxist theory with us. We debated the issues on which we disagreed. We also had extensive arguments with those who believed the JVP insurrection was justified. Q: How do you assess J. R. Jayewardene's rule and his treatment of the Constitution and judiciary? In 1977, J. R. Jayewardene created a dictatorial Government that operated according to his own will. The judiciary was effectively under his control. When Chief Justice Neville Samarakoon, a former member of the UNP Executive Council, attempted to act independently, an Impeachment Motion was prepared against him and Gonawala Sunil was used to throw stones at his house. In 1978, Jayewardene established the Executive Presidential system through a Constitutional Amendment without a Referendum. No law or Constitutional provision stood in his way. He trampled over them all. Q: As a Leftist, how do you assess J. R. Jayewardene's open economic policy? It was political authoritarianism combined with economic openness. It was also an approach demanded by imperialist interests. The Government did not retain State-owned assets and instead pursued widespread privatisation. I consider that a political and economic counter-revolution. Q: Looking back, do you think the Left made a mistake by contesting the 1982 Presidential Election separately? It was a foolish mistake on our part. I contested the Election, as did Wijeweera and Colvin. If the three of us had instead supported Hector Kobbekaduwa, we could have defeated J. R. Jayewardene. I have no hesitation in saying that publicly. It was a mistake, and I accept responsibility for it. Q: Why did you support bringing Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga into politics and helping her come to power rather than putting forward a Left-wing candidate? After Premadasa's death, we wanted to rebuild the political discourse around the Left. The JVP was also involved, while a large number of civil activists and artists, including Sugathapala de Silva and Dharmasiri Bandaranayake, joined us. We did not propose Chandrika without reason. Her popularity, her marriage to Vijaya Kumaratunga, her family's association with the Progressive Movement and her own progressive ideas influenced our decision. From the beginning, she acted as a leader who leaned towards the Left. But we were wrong. After winning, she moved in a Right-wing direction with people such as Mangala Samaraweera. Q: How do you view Chandrika's slogan of giving 'a human face to the open economy'? It was like trying to give a human face to a demon. It was impossible. Chandrika continued to expand privatisation and began transferring State assets to private individuals. There was widespread corruption. When there was an attempt to hand over the Insurance Corporation to private interests, we went to Court and prevented it. Q: Why did you promote Mahinda Rajapaksa? We exerted considerable pressure within the Sri Lanka Freedom Party for Mahinda to be given the leadership. He was courageous and close to the idea of national identity. Although he did not have extensive knowledge of the Left, he had an affinity with it. His uncle, D. M. Rajapaksa, was a great leader of the oppressed farming community, and Mahinda possessed many of those qualities. Q: How do you view the end of the war in 2009 and what followed? Initially, we opposed the war and called for a negotiated solution. But when it became clear that the LTTE could not be defeated through anything other than war, we eventually supported the war as a Party. However, after the war, instead of winning over the Tamil people and genuinely uniting the country, there was an attempt to establish Sinhala power while glorifying the military victory. Gotabaya, Basil and Mahinda discussed establishing Sinhala villages in the North and settling Sinhalese people there. I opposed this and told them, 'What you are trying to do is what Israel is doing to the Palestinians. Are you trying to turn Sri Lanka into another Israel?' That was why we took to the streets. Q: What is your assessment of the 2015 Good Governance Government? After Mahinda was elected for a second term, his administration was no longer beneficial either to the people or to the ministers. As a strategy to break up the people's camp, Maithripala Sirisena crossed over, became the common candidate and joined forces with Ranil Wickremesinghe to win the election. Without Maithripala's intervention, Mahinda could not have been defeated. The Good Governance Government was a transitional administration that paved the way for the establishment of a Right-wing Government. Q: Why did Gotabaya Rajapaksa's Government collapse? It began with the rash decisions taken at the start of his administration, particularly the fertiliser policy. This was followed by power cuts and shortages of gas, fuel and fertilizer. The young people who had initially rallied around him to rebuild the country, painting murals and cultivating abandoned paddy fields, were eventually driven by their suffering to take to the streets demanding, 'Gotabaya, go home.' Although Gotabaya was the leader, Basil Rajapaksa was the person who manoeuvred matters towards this situation. We, together with Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila, strongly opposed the Cabinet paper brought by Basil to give Sri Lanka's gas to an American company — the Yugadanavi agreement. When the other two were removed from the Government, I also left. Q: How do you view the JVP and National People's Power (NPP)coming to power with 159 seats? This is a major transformation similar to 1956. The Government has the potential to make many changes because it has a Left-wing history and an interest in the people. However, it is currently trapped in the agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). If it can free itself from that agreement, it can move towards a Left-wing future. Q: Do you believe there is an attempt to launch a counter-revolution against the present Government? There is no doubt about it. The Government must be alert to where the counter-revolution will emerge from. The reactionary group now gathered under what is called the 'Joint Opposition' is the vehicle for this counter-revolution. Q: What do you think of the way the present Government is functioning and its prospects of remaining in power? A broad Left-wing front must be built to protect this Government, which was created by the people. Various reactionary groups are emerging with the aim of bringing it down. We must protect what I consider the strongest people-oriented Government to emerge in Asia. I believe the Government is functioning well, and I am watching its progress with satisfaction.